The European Union and the Republic of Tajikistan held their tenth annual Cooperation Committee meeting on 27 November in Brussels.

The meeting took place in an open and constructive atmosphere, reflecting the continued strengthening of relations between the EU and Tajikistan.

The Cooperation Committee reviewed the state of play of bilateral relations and addressed political and socio-economic developments, water, environment, energy, trade and investment cooperation, as well as regional and international issues.

Both sides exchanged views on the ongoing negotiations for an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), which were launched earlier this year, and Tajikistan’s application for the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preference Plus (GSP+) scheme of unilateral duty free treatment. They both commended these important steps towards expanding cooperation into new areas and broadening the scope of interactions.

The EU confirmed its continued support to Tajikistan in its reform process while highlighting the need for improvements of the country’s human rights and fundamental freedoms agenda. The EU asked to bring it in line with recommendations of the UN and OSCE, in particular on freedom of association, peaceful assembly, freedom of expression, media freedom, as well as freedom of religion and belief.

In this context, the EU noted with satisfaction the adoption of Tajikistan’s first Human Rights Strategy and Action Plan for 2023-2025 and encouraged its full implementation and the continued involvement of civil society in political processes. The EU expressed its concern regarding the detention of human rights defenders, independent journalists and bloggers. The EU called on the Tajik authorities to ensure accountability and to bring to justice all those responsible for human rights violations in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO).

On bilateral development cooperation, the EU informed about the budget support programme and the two Team Europe Initiatives (TEIs) on water, energy and climate change and on digital connectivity. This year marks the 20 year anniversary of two crucial regional EU programmes Tajikistan benefits from: the Border Management Programme in Central Asia (BOMCA) and the Central Asia Drug Action Programme (CADAP). The EU encouraged stronger participation of Tajikistan in its Horizon Europe scientific cooperation Programme and looked forward to the national Erasmus+ Office in Dushanbe becoming operational in the near future.

During their discussions, the two sides also exchanged views on matters of regional and international interest, including COP28, the situation in Afghanistan and Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. The EU informed about restrictive measures taken against Russia and attempts to circumvent them. The EU encouraged Tajikistan’s engagement with Central Asia countries and welcomed its constructive role for broader cooperation within the region and beyond, in particular, in the regional electricity market. Tajikistan’s important role in the United Nations with regard to water diplomacy and climate change was acknowledged. Both sides also discussed security issues such as counter-terrorism and combatting the illicit trafficking of drugs and human beings.

The Cooperation Committee was chaired on the EU side by EEAS Deputy Managing Director Mr. Luc Devigne and, on the Tajik side, by the Minister of Economic Development and Trade Mr. Zavqi Zavqizoda.

Source

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President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan renewed his country’s bid to become a member of the European Union, amid wrangling over Sweden’s NATO entry, but political experts aren’t completely convinced of the Turkish leader’s aims.

Erdogan surprised many on Monday by linking Sweden’s bid to join NATO with his country’s accession to the EU. He said European nations should “open the way” for Turkey to join the political bloc in exchange for Ankara’s approval of Sweden to be a member of the military alliance. But these are two completely different processes for two very separate institutions.

“I was quite surprised he linked this,” Maria Demertzis, senior fellow at the Brussels-based think tank Bruegel, told CNBC Tuesday. “You are throwing a fish net to see what you can get,” she said of Erdogan’s move.

Turkey and the EU have had a challenging relationship over the years. Ankara applied to be part of the EU back in 1987 but, after several bumps in the road, talks to join the political group froze in 2018. The EU deemed that Turkey was putting forward a lot of political reforms that actually moved it “further away” from the bloc.

One of the policy changes that infuriated the EU was a 2017 referendum that gave Erdogan more executive powers.

“He needs money,” an EU official, who did not want to be named due to the sensitive nature of the topic told CNBC Tuesday, regarding why Erdogan brought up this issue again now. “All this new friendship with the West. He has not changed. He wants something,” the same official added.

A spokesperson for the Turkish representation office in Brussels was not immediately available for comment when contacted by CNBC.

In 2016, the EU agreed to disburse 6 billion euros ($6.5 billion) in two tranches to Ankara in order for it to deal with a high influx of refugees. The agreement came after the EU saw an unprecedented level of refugees at its borders.

“The EU has a huge problem if Erdogan doesn’t cooperate,” Demertzis said. “The EU depends on Turkey to deal with migrants.”

Refugee arrivals into the EU in 2023 are aren’t currently near those levels seen in 2015, at the height of the region’s migration crisis. However, with around 4 million refugees currently based in Turkey, the lawmakers in Ankara still have a lot of negotiating power when it comes to Brussels.

“It is more than [money],” Özgür Ünlühisarcıklı, director of the Ankara office for the think tank The German Marshall Fund, told CNBC Tuesday.

″[Erdogan] expects a more special relationship,” he added, mentioning a potential visit of the French president later this year to Turkey. Erdogan “needs to see more visits of this sort,” Ünlühisarcıklı said.

What else could the EU give?

The European Commission, the executive arm of the EU and the institution that monitors countries’ accession process to the bloc, said Monday that it is up to Ankara to do the work needed to join the political and economic group.

“The European Union has a very structured process of enlargement and with a very, very clear set of steps that need to be taken by all candidate countries and even for those who want to become candidate countries,” a spokesperson for commission told reporters Monday.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez hits back at defense spending criticism

“The accession process for each candidate country is based on the merits of each country,” the same spokesperson added.

But, according to Ünlühisarcıklı, Erdogan might not even want membership of the EU. “It goes too far” as this would ensure certain unwanted measures are introduced in Turkey, he said.

He mentioned that customs union modernization and visa liberalization would be more appealing to Turkey. The former would support commerce with European countries and the latter would allow Turkish citizens to travel more easily in the EU.

However, it will be difficult for the EU to give Turkey significant benefits. Countries such as Greece and Cyprus have historic disputes with Ankara, for example. It is also hard for some EU nations, mainly in the wake of the war in Ukraine, to trust Erdogan given his links to the Kremlin.

Source: CNBC

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Ünal Çeviköz, chief foreign policy adviser to the leading opposition candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu in the May 14 elections, also said that a new government would seek to repair Turkey’s tarnished record on human rights.

Crucially, he pledged the opposition would implement European Court of Human Rights decisions calling for the release of two of Erdoğan’s best-known opponents who are currently in jail: the co-leader of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party Selahattin Demirtaş and human rights defender Osman Kavala.

The May presidential and parliamentary elections are expected to be the closest race in Erdoğan’s two-decade rule, and observers are watching closely to determine whether a new government could chart a more westward political trajectory. EU accession talks have been at a standstill since 2018 over the country’s democratic backsliding and the politicization of its judiciary.

Earlier this month, the country’s six-party opposition coalition announced its joint presidential candidate to oppose Erdoğan, throwing their support behind main opposition leader Kılıçdaroğlu from the center-left Republican People’s Party. While Erdoğan is unusually vulnerable this year due to raging inflation and Ankara’s sometimes sluggish response to last month’s earthquakes that killed tens of thousands, he will still be hard to beat thanks to his ability to appeal to a core electorate with religious conservatism, welfare schemes and landmark building projects.

“We are going to start with the normalization process in domestic politics,” Çeviköz, a retired diplomat who served as ambassador to Baku, Baghdad and London, told POLITICO in an interview. “This will simply give the message to all our allies, and all the European countries, that Turkey is back on track to democracy, and that certainly will create a very serious change in the perception about Turkey’s position.”

When asked about EU countries that have traditionally been hostile toward Turkey’s EU accession — such as France and Austria — Çeviköz stressed the importance of resuming the diplomatic process to draw a line under Erdoğan’s confrontationalism with Europe.

“This does not mean that Turkey will become an immediate member, however, it’s a matter of process, and it is the process that counts. Because we want our country to become a democratic country, as a member of the community of the civilized nations.”

Çeviköz also said that the opposition alliance wouldn’t block Sweden and Finland’s NATO accession process as Erdoğan has been doing.

“If you carry your bilateral problems into a multilateral organization, such as NATO, then you are creating a kind of polarization with all the other NATO members with your country,” he noted. “I think a membership of Sweden and Finland will increase and strengthen the security of a collective defense organization, such as NATO.”

Çeviköz added that under Kılıçdaroğlu’s leadership, Turkey would be willing to continue to act as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine and to extend the Black Sea grain deal.

“Currently, relations between Turkey and Russia are rather asymmetrical because Turkey is very much dependent on energy imports from Russia,” he said. “We will simply emphasize the fact that Turkey is a member of NATO, and in our discussions with Russia, we will certainly look for a relationship among equals, but we will also remind Russia that Turkey is a member of NATO.”

Finally, on the recent escalation of tensions with neighboring Greece, Çeviköz said that Greece’s reaction to last month’s devastating earthquakes in Turkey “has given an opportunity and created a new setting.”

“Both countries are going to have elections, and probably they will have the elections on the same day,” he added. “So, this will open a new horizon in front of both countries.”

Source: POLITICO

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Odd couple is holding back deal on new sanctions against Russia.

After largely playing solo in its opposition against Russian sanctions, Budapest is now getting support from Athens in its skepticism over the freshest measures against Russia, five EU diplomats told POLITICO.

The EU is currently discussing its 11th sanctions package against Russia after the start of Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than a year ago. Whereas the 10 previous sanctions packages focused on measures to empty Vladimir Putin’s war chest, Brussels now wants to avoid its sanctions being circumvented. In an unprecedented step for the bloc, the current package could target other countries helping Moscow dodge its trade embargo.

But Budapest and Athens have thrown a collective spanner in the works by linking their approval for the package to a separate thorny issue involving Ukraine. Kyiv has compiled a list of private companies it calls “war sponsors,” which includes a number of European companies. 

The odd couple wants some of their companies struck off this list before they will agree to the sanctions package. While these issues normally aren’t linked, Hungary and Greece are using the sanctions package as political leverage to get their companies off Ukraine’s list. 

This sparked tensions at a meeting of EU foreign ministers earlier this week, where German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock directly criticized Hungary, according to diplomats familiar with the exchange.

At a meeting of EU ambassadors Wednesday, Greece was very much at the forefront of the discussion, four of the diplomats said. Athens pushed back against suggestions of sanction circumvention. 

“Greece reiterated that, should there be concrete evidence of violation of sanctions, these should be brought to the attention of the member states concerned, at the technical level, so that this be adequately investigated and then due action will be taken,” an EU diplomat familiar with the dossier said. “In the case of the Ukrainian name-and-shame list, the Greek companies are accused as International War Sponsors even though they are not violating the restrictive measures against Russia.”

Another EU diplomat said that while they empathized with the Greek position, “the question is how much does it damage [their economy], and Greece says it’s very damaging. We don’t have a problem with that position — but independently of that we of course want the next sanctions package.”

Josep Borrell, the EU’s top diplomat, has already vowed to work through the differences on the Ukrainian list. Two of the diplomats said it is now up to him to work with the Ukrainians on a solution.

No deal in sight

Another EU diplomat said that, as long as Hungary and Greece refuse to agree on anything before their companies are off the list, “there is no pressure to really move on the other parts either.” 

Yet diplomats also say they look at Athens and Budapest differently. The level of frustration with Budapest is much higher, given its pro-Russia and pro-China line has often prevented the EU from reaching unanimity on statements on Moscow and Beijing. It is also blocking the approval of an eighth tranche of EU money to reimburse military aid to Ukraine.

A new version of the package, sent to EU envoys Wednesday and seen by POLITICO, does not include major changes. The third draft adapts some technical language regarding the release of frozen assets and clarifies that Kazakh oil can still be sent through the Druzhba pipeline to Europe. It also adds more than 50 additional Russian companies for which EU authorities cannot authorize transfers of dual-use goods and technology to compared to a previous version of the sanctions draft. 

At both meetings this week, Germany and others were again skeptical about naming and shaming other countries, as they are afraid it would hurt diplomatic relations or drive other countries suspected of facilitating sanctions busting into the arms of Russia or China.

It’s not clear yet when EU envoys will discuss the sanctions package again. Two of the diplomats said that there is consensus about one thing: to agree on the package in the end. 

But with no clear deadline yet, it could be a while before the diplomats make substantive progress. French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna said Monday that the package has to be wrapped up by the next Foreign Affairs Council — but that is not until June 26 and falls just a few days before the meeting of European heads of state and government at the end of the month. However, some of the diplomats pushed back against that suggestion, saying a deal has to come sooner to avoid embarrassing the EU.

Source: Politico

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The parties considered various aspects of the multifaceted partnership between Uzbekistan and the EU, primarily in trade and economic sphere.

They noted with sarisfaction growth in the volume of mutual trade observed in recent years, the increase in the number of joint ventures and investment projects implemented under the EU GSP+ preferential system.

The sides also exchanged views on the current issues of the international agenda.

Source: AKI Press

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The escalation of geopolitical tensions linked to the Ukrainian crisis has highlighted two main opposing camps of countries — an Alliance of Democracies on one side and a Group of Authoritarian Regimes on the other. A number of countries have resisted choosing sides, however, as they strive to balance their national interests with international developments while simultaneously advocating the need to maintain peaceful diplomacy and global connections.

While the number of these so-called “in-between” countries abound (particularly in Latin America, Africa, and South and Central Asia), only a few of them have upheld an outspoken commitment to the principles of multilateralism and non-violence. One of these is Kazakhstan, which, through its rhetoric and actions, has consistently demonstrated a commitment to international principles enshrined in the UN Charter despite severe challenges to the country’s economy and stability brought on by recent global developments. Impressively, Kazakhstan’s strong compliance with economic sanctions imposed by Western countries against Russia has stood the test of time.

Amid a slew of destabilizing events including a violent coup attempt in January 2022 and an ongoing international crisis embroiling its neighbor Russia, Kazakhstan has taken important steps towards strengthening democracy and stability at home such as limiting presidential powers, fighting oligopolies and recovering assets stolen from the country by cronies of the old regime. Kazakhstan has also maintained its commitments to Ukraine’s territorial integrity and has contributed to energy and food security in Europe.

Last year, in a public discussion with Vladimir Putin at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, President Tokayev made it very clear that his country remained committed to the UN principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. “Kazakhstan recognizes neither Taiwan, nor Kosovo, nor South Ossetia and Abkhazia. This principle will be applied to quasi-state entities, which, in our opinion, are Luhansk and Donetsk,” the President sad. Such position of Kazakhstan has been vocal and proved by consistency in voting pattern on UN Ukraine-related resolutions.

Kazakhstan has taken important steps towards strengthening democracy and stability at home, such as limiting presidential powers, fighting oligopolies and recovering assets stolen from the country by cronies of the old regime.

Still, such persistent dedication to international democratic principles (by a relatively weaker country squeezed in a geopolitical triangle with two much-stronger neighbors, i.e. China and Russia) has not been enough to alter a seemingly entrenched negative opinion of Kazakhstan. With an especially strong viewpoint particularly in the West, under the banner of “human rights”, oligarchs can bait international NGOs and the media into believing their proxy political figures are victims of authoritarian abuse. When every decision taken by Kazakhstan courts against these local proxies is criticized, their oligarchic overlords gain enormous leverage at the expense of damaging Kazakhstan’s international credibility and reputation, as well as undermining its fledgling process of democracy building.

One such case involves a Kazakhstani citizen Zhanbolat Mamai, who was sentenced in September 2017 to a three-year suspended sentence for the theft and embezzlement of funds. Considered an independent journalist and a political activist, Mamai allegedly violated Kazakhstan’s law again and has been charged for insulting a government representative (under Kazakhstan’s Criminal Code, Article 378), spreading false information (under Article 274), and organizing illegal protests (under Article 488). Amnesty International has called this decision an “act of retribution” by the government. However, Amnesty’s coverage of the Mamai case tells only half the story.

Charged with illegal actions, Mamai has subsequently positioned himself as a persecuted human rights defender. He has received financial and political support from Mukhtar Ablyazov, who stole billions of dollars from a Kazakhstan bank and then fled the country. Ablyazov has already lost various court cases in the United States, Great Britain and France. Mamai has allegedly used Ablyazov’s money to run an unregistered political party called the Democratic Party of Kazakhstan.

Nonetheless, the above facets of the Mamai case are sometimes not taken into consideration by human rights organizations.

It is also worth noting that Mamai is not in prison (as stipulated by Articles 378 and 274) but has instead received a suspended sentence.

The fact that not all sides are taken into consideration is now facing a backlash in Kazakhstan. Local NGOs are questioning whether the motivations behind attacking Kazakhstan over these high[1]profile cases are truly about human rights. In the meantime, the government is implementing reforms to address the everyday concerns of Kazakhstani people, including protecting their social welfare, healthcare and financial prospects.

The difficult balancing act that Kazakhstan’s government is trying to manage in both its international and domestic affairs faces many challenges. But credit should be given where it’s due. In this environment, Western NGOs and media falling prey to tactics by the beneficiaries of the old Kazakhstan regime only hurt the country’s nascent democratization process and its efforts to break from authoritarianism and corruption still widespread elsewhere in Central Asia.

Luc Rodehefer is a foreign policy expert and a freelance financial analyst. A former banker, he is currently based in France and covers political and economic relations between the EU and emerging markets.

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“All the pressure should be directed at Serbia to make it implement the obligations it accepted. The International community should focus on (Serbian President Aleksandar) Vucic,” Osmani told Radio TV Kosovo.

The leaders of Serbia and Kosovo agreed on how to implement the EU-backed deal in the last round of talks March 18 in North Macedonia.

The agreement came after 12 hours of talks between Kosovar Prime Minister Albin Kurti, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and EU officials.

”What he agreed to is de facto recognition of Kosovo because it recognizes sovereignty and integrity which are the main elements of statehood,” said Osmani.

The EU announced Feb. 27 that Serbia and Kosovo agreed to sign a proposal to normalize ties after a meeting in Brussels.

The parties later agreed on how to implement the agreement, according to EU officials.

Serbia-Kosovo dialogue

The EU-led Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue that was launched in 2011 aims to find a mutually agreeable solution for disputes in the framework of a legally binding agreement.

Following a flareup in border tensions last summer, EU special representative for the talks, Miroslav Lajcak presented the bloc’s latest proposal on normalizing in September.

The EU requires Kosovo and Serbia to reach a final agreement and resolve disputes to progress in their integration into the bloc.

Most UN member states, including the US, UK, France, Germany and Türkiye, recognized Kosovo as a separate country after it declared independence from Serbia 15 years ago.

Serbia continues to regard it as its territory.

Vucic said last October that Germany and France had offered to expedite Serbia’s EU membership process if it recognized Kosovo’s independence and allowed it to become a member of international organizations.

According to the leaked proposal, Kosovo should allow the establishment of a union of Serbian municipalities in the north, where many ethnic Serbs live.

EU officials hope to complete negotiations on the plan this spring with Brussels facilitating the talks.

Source: aa

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The European Commission’s President Ursula von der Leyen announced Wednesday that the EU is planning to host a donor conference in March to collect international aid for Türkiye and Syria to help them following two massive earthquakes which took place on Monday.

“We are now racing against the clock to save lives together. Soon we will provide relief aid, together. Türkiye and Syria can count on the EU,” von der Leyen wrote on Twitter.

The EU said the conference would be held early next month in Brussels in coordination with Turkish authorities “to mobilise funds from the international community in support for the people” of both countries.

“No one should be left alone when a tragedy like this hits a people,” von der Leyen said in a statement.

The event is aimed at coordinating the international response to the disaster and “will be open to EU Member States, neighbouring countries, UN members” and international lenders, the bloc said.

The European Union was swift to dispatch rescue teams to Türkiye after massive magnitude 7.7 and 7.6 earthquakes struck the country on Monday close to the border with Syria.

But it initially offered only minimal assistance to Syria through existing humanitarian programs because of EU sanctions imposed since 2011 on the Assad regime in response to his brutal crackdown on protesters, which spiraled into a civil war.

On Wednesday, Damascus made an official plea to the EU for help, the bloc’s commissioner for crisis management said.

Now that Damascus has made the move, through the EU’s Civil Protection Mechanism that coordinates aid, Janez Lenarcic said the commission was asking European countries “to respond favourably to this request.”

The participants in the EU mechanism comprise the 27 EU countries plus eight neighboring non-EU nations that include Norway and Türkiye.

The European Union sent 1,150 rescuers and 70 rescue dogs to Türkiye in the wake of Monday’s powerful quakes.

At least 9,057 people were killed and 52,000 others were injured in 10 provinces of Türkiye after two strong earthquakes on Monday jolted the southern part of the country.

The earthquakes also rocked several neighboring countries in the region, including Lebanon and Syria.

Syria, already reeling from a decadelong civil war, has been hit particularly bad with over 2,500 deaths and thousands of others injured.

Source : Daily Sabah

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