Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, said that the dissolution of human rights NGOs signals a deteriorating environment for civil society and human rights defence in Tajikistan. She reiterated that Tajikistan must reconsider its attitudes towards civil society and view human rights defenders as allies instead of enemies.

Earlier in November 2023, Tajikistan Minister of Justice announced that 700 NGOs in the country had been liquidated over an 18-month period.

UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor said, “Human rights defenders in Tajikistan working on so-called ‘sensitive’ issues have been reportedly subjected to threats and intimidation.”

“Human rights defenders working on so-called sensitive issues, including freedom from torture, the right to housing and compensation for requisitioned land, minority rights, freedom of belief and good governance, political rights, and particularly the right to free and fair elections have been reportedly subjected to threats and intimidation,” the Special Rapporteur said.

“Some of those NGOs had been in operation for over 20 years,” the UN expert continued. “This decision also affects those working on early intervention on disability issues, expanding access to education, supporting victims of domestic violence, protecting the environment and promoting public access to land.”

Some organisations were forced to close following unrest in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) in 2022. Official statistics show that after these events, the courts ordered many public organisations to shut down while several other organisations self-dissolved. It is reported that in GBAO, of 300 registered organisations in early 2022, only around 10% can continue operating.

Several NGOs decided to self-dissolve after their directors were repeatedly summoned to the Department of Justice or local executive authorities. They were then reportedly placed under pressure or coerced into shutting down their organisations ‘voluntarily.’

“Interfering with the activities of NGOs and forcing civil society organisations to cease activities will have a serious knock-on impact on a whole range of human rights in Tajikistan,” Lawlor said. “I call on the government to reverse these closures.”

Source

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Giant portraits of President Emomali Rahmon adorn even the most nondescript buildings in Tajikistan’s capital of Dushanbe. Throughout the country, his sayings are featured on posters and billboards. Their ubiquitous presence underscores the consolidation of power by Rahmon – officially described as “Founder of Peace and Unity, Leader of the Nation” – since he emerged victorious from the 1992-1997 Tajikistan civil war that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union. After three decades in power, he has established himself as an absolute ruler with no tolerance for dissent.

Rahmon’s bid to centralize control includes efforts to silence political opponents, human rights activists, and independent voices. More than a decade ago, Tajikistan’s media environment was relatively diverse and allowed for some criticism and debate, as long as local media avoided reporting on the president and his extensive family. Now, Tajikistan’s media are in their worst state since the violent years of the civil war, journalists told a Committee to Protect Journalists’ representative during a visit to the country late last year and through messaging apps.

Seven journalists were sentenced to lengthy prison terms in retaliation for their work in 2022 and 2023. The United Nations Human Rights Council has criticized “the apparent use of anti-terrorism legislation to silence critical voices” and expressed concern about reports alleging that torture was used to obtain false confessions from prisoners.

In one telling sign of the climate of fear that prevails in Tajikistan, only two among the more than a dozen journalists, press freedom advocates, and experts that CPJ met with were willing to speak on the record.

Some key takeaways from CPJ’s visit:

‘The collapse of independent Tajik journalism’

Prior to 2022, Tajikistan rarely jailed journalists. “For the president [Rahmon], it was important to be able to say we don’t touch journalists,” one local journalist told CPJ.

That changed with the unprecedentedly harsh sentences meted out to the seven convicted in 2022 and 2023 on what are widely seen as charges in retaliation for their work. Four journalists – Abdullo Ghurbati, Zavqibek Saidamini, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda, and Khurshed Fozilov – received sentences of seven or seven-and-a-half years, Khushom Gulyam eight years, Daler Imomali, 10 years, and Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva, 20 years – a development seen by many as a deeply chilling escalation in the years-long constriction of independent media.

For Abdumalik Kadirov, head of the independent trade group Media Alliance of Tajikistan, 2022 marked “the collapse of independent Tajik journalism.”

Interviewees told CPJ that only two significant independent media voices now remain in Tajikistan: privately owned news agency Asia-Plus and U.S. Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s local service, the Czech Republic-headquartered Radio Ozodi.  

Both regularly face harassment and threats. Their websites have long been subjected to partial shutdowns by local internet service providers – the result of behind-the-scenes orders from state officials, according to local journalists, so that authorities can deny responsibility for the outages.

Asia-Plus has been forced to moderate its content, reducing its political coverage, following a May 2022 threat from authorities to shutter its operations.

A handful of other outlets either avoid political topics entirely, struggle to maintain independence in the face of government repression, or barely function due to lack of funding, multiple sources said. Adding to challenges for journalists are less visible forms of pressure, such as threats of tax fines and surveillance of their work.

“Everything is done indirectly,” one journalist said. “[The authorities] have many levers. They can make it known to a [financially] struggling outlet that it will be hit with huge tax fines, or its management will face criminal charges, and it’s advisable just to lay things down.” Several interviewees said that each media outlet has a “curator” from law enforcement agencies as a reminder that it is being watched, and authorities can threaten rigged tax or other inspections, or even order advertisers to pull their ads.

Particularly since authorities banned the country’s main opposition party in 2015, key independent media have been forced into closure and “dozens” of journalists have chosen exile. A government decree enacted shortly after this requires media outlets to pass an inspection by state security services prior to registration, the head of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NANSMIT) Nuriddin Karshiboev told CPJ, with “virtually no new independent media” on the national level being registered since.

Rising fear and self-censorship

The year 2022 had a “devastating” effect on Tajikistan’s already embattled independent media, one journalist said. Several interviewees linked the crackdown on journalists to the authorities’ brutal suppression of protests in the eastern Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region in May-June 2022. Immediately after those protests erupted, authorities arrested 66-year-old journalist and human rights defender Mamadshoeva on charges of organizing the unrest, airing what many believe to be a forced confession days later on state TV.

Four journalists with RFE/RL and its project Current Time TV were attacked after interviewing Mamadshoeva immediately before her arrest, and authorities’ shuttering threat against Asia-Plus was issued over its coverage of events in Gorno-Badakhshan. While most of the other jailed journalists did not cover Gorno-Badakhshan, analysts told CPJ their arrests were in part calculated to have a chilling effect on the press amid the crackdown in that region.

Above all, interviewees said, 2022 entrenched a climate of fear and exacerbated already high levels of self-censorship among journalists. “We don’t know who might be next,” one journalist said. “2022 silenced all of us, not just those who were arrested,” said another. “Journalists fear saying anything.”

Several journalists told CPJ they themselves self-censored more following the events of 2022, which had left increasing uncertainty over “red lines,” the topics that are off limits. “Before it was easier as the red lines were clearer – the president and his family, top state officials, and after 2015, coverage of exiled opposition leaders,” one analyst said. “Now, it’s unpredictable – what you might consider neutral, [the authorities] might not. This unpredictability is the most problematic thing for journalism.”

Others agreed with what Kadirov described as a “dramatic fall” in the number of critical articles and an increasing tendency for local media to avoid domestic politics in favor of “safe” topics such as culture, sport, and some international news.

The convictions of five of the seven jailed journalists in 2022-23 on charges of “participation” in banned political groups allowed authorities to successfully portray independent journalists as “extremists,” several interviewees said. “Society falls for this,” one journalist said, “and members of the public often do not want to speak to journalists, and experts are increasingly wary of doing so.”

The events of 2022 also deepened the sense of alienation between independent journalists and authorities and the public. Where 10 to 15 years ago authorities were forced to reckon with independent media as “a real public watchdog,” noted one analyst, officials now engage less and less with the media, rejecting or ignoring their information requests. Access to information remains “an urgent problem of Tajik journalism,” according to Karshiboev, despite some recent encouraging discussions between authorities and media organizations on how to address the issue.

Decline in international donors

“Tajik media’s biggest problem is finances,” Karshiboev told CPJ. Lacking domestic sources of funding amid a limited advertising market, Tajikistan’s independent media have for years been reliant on international donors, interviewees said. Yet in recent years donor support has significantly declined, particularly since the start of Russia’s war in Ukraine. “All Western resources and attention go to Ukraine,” one analyst lamented. Others cited a longer-term “donor fatigue” – donor organizations have lost interest in Tajikistan in particular and Central Asia more widely “because they don’t see any improvement,” one journalist said. A particular blow was the withdrawal of the Soros Foundation, previously a major media donor, from Tajikistan at the end of 2022.

Others argued that the problem was not so much a decline in donor funding as its misdirection – away from critical media and much-needed measures for media defense and toward projects of questionable value. Among other reasons, several argued that the ultimate problem is that international donors know the media is a sore spot for the Tajik government and, as Karshiboev put it, “fear damaging relations if they provide real and effective support to journalism.”

Interviewees said donors may also feel constrained by the West’s limited ability to influence on human rights issues in a country with such strong ties to Russia and China. “The Tajik government has increasingly learnt that it can act badly without any major consequences,” one analyst emphasized to CPJ. The war in Ukraine has exacerbated that dynamic.

“Before, when there wasn’t this standoff between Russia and the West, Tajikistan still looked to the West,” one journalist said. “Now they think: ‘What can the West do’?”  

A bleak outlook

Despite memories of a freer media environment only a generation ago, few of the journalists who spoke to CPJ were optimistic about the prospects for Tajik journalism in the near or mid-term future.

Many noted that Tajik journalists have become “demoralized” following 2022, that there’s been an uptick in journalists fleeing the country or leaving the profession, and that young people are reluctant to choose journalism as a career.

A marginalized independent media sector is very convenient for the government, said one analyst, “so it is unlikely to get better.” External support, in the form of more pressure and better targeted funding from Western and international donors and governments, was one of few factors capable of pushing developments in a more positive direction, several interviewees said. Kadirov and others believe that authorities’ tight control over traditional media outlets will cause independent journalists to turn more to social media and blogging to publish their reporting, making authorities likely to seek to exert even more control over those forums too.

“I see my mission as maintaining independent journalism – I can’t say in a good condition – but maintaining it at least to wait for better days,” said Kadirov.

CPJ emailed the Presidential Administration and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Tajikistan for comment, but did not receive any replies.

Source: CPJ

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Eight United Nations experts are awaiting a response from Tajik authorities to a letter expressing concern about the fate of convicted journalists and civil activists. UN experts and special rapporteurs in their letter demanded an explanation from Dushanbe regarding reports of gross violations of the rights of nine convicted journalists and bloggers, as well as civil activists. The letter dated 12 May 2023, is published here. UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor has visited Tajikistan earlier to address the human rights violations in the country.

In their appeal, which UN experts sent to Dushanbe in May of this year, they provided details of the detention and imprisonment, as well as information about the conditions of detention in correctional institutions for journalists and bloggers Daleri Imomali, Abdullo Gurbati, Zavkibeki Saidamini, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda, Khushruz Jumaev, human rights activists Abdulmajid Rizoev, Manuchehra Kholiknazarov, Faromuz Irgashev and civil activist Ulfatonim Mamadshoeva.

The letter to Tajikistan authorities was signed by the UN Special Rapporteur of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, and the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Alice Gill Edwards, cites cases of torture and ill-treatment of detainees. UN experts also criticized the Tajik authorities for imprisoning detained journalists and bloggers on trumped-up charges of extremism and collaboration with banned organizations.

Last year, authorities sentenced them to terms ranging from 7 years to life in prison. Supporters of those convicted and international human rights organizations believe that the arrests and detention of journalists and civil activists were politically motivated. UN experts noted in a 20-page letter that from arrest to trial, the rights of detained journalists and activists were grossly violated.

One of the convicts, Daler Emomali, was accused of illegal entrepreneurship, dissemination of knowingly false information and participation in an extremist association, and was sentenced to 10 years in prison. However, human rights activists believe that the authorities took revenge on him for his critical videos.

The letter expresses concern about the fate of journalist and civil activist Ulfatonim Mamadshoeva, whom the authors call a representative of the “Pamir minority.” UN experts expressed regret that the Tajik authorities never responded to their previous letters regarding the fate of Mamadshoeva.

66-year-old Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva was sentenced to 21 years in prison in early December 2022 . The Tajik authorities accused Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva of organizing mass riots in the Rushan district and the city of Khorog in May 2022. Supporters of Mamadshoeva consider the criminal case to be fabricated.

The letter, signed, in particular, by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Mary Lawlor, and the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Alice Gill Edwards, cites cases of torture and ill-treatment of detainees. The authors write that the arbitrary arrests of some of those convicted are contrary to the laws of Tajikistan and international law. UN experts also criticized the Tajik authorities for imprisoning detained journalists and bloggers on trumped-up charges of extremism and collaboration with banned organizations. The actions of the Tajik authorities are a stern warning to other human rights defenders: criticism will be severely punished.

The letter was officially sent to the government of Tajikistan in May. The authorities had to respond to this message within 60 days. However, apparently, there was no response from Dushanbe: the UN, as a rule, publishes responses to its appeals on its official website.

In recent years, the government of Tajikistan has been criticized by the UN, Western countries and international human rights organizations for regular violations of human rights in the country.

Source : Radio Free Europe

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Since May 2022, the Tajikistani authorities have stepped up their ongoing crackdown on Pamiris, an ethnic, linguistic and religious minority originating from the Pamir mountains in Gorno Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast of Tajikistan. They have arbitrarily detained hundreds of Pamiris, including civil society activists and human rights defenders, and imprisoned over 200 of them after convictions in unfair trials, in a campaign aimed at stripping the local communities of their leadership and dismantling their civil society.

The authorities must immediately and unconditionally release Pamiri civil society activists, journalists and human rights defenders who have been detained solely for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly. They must effectively investigate allegations of torture and other ill-treatment of people in custody. They must cease denying the Pamiris the rights to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, and to use their own languages.

Tajikistan authorities have arbitrarily detained hundreds of Pamiris, including civil society activists and human rights defenders, and imprisoned over 200 of them after convictions in unfair trials, in a campaign aimed at stripping the local communities of their leadership and dismantling their civil society.

Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) is a high mountain region in the east of Tajikistan and officially had a population of 236,000 in 2018. The de jure autonomy of the region is enshrined in Art. 81-83 of Tajikistan’s Constitution, which entitles it to a local legislature merely with “the right of legislative initiative” and unspecified “powers … in social, economic, [and] cultural spheres of life … determined by a constitutional law”. Most of its ipopulation identify as ethnic Pamiris and adhere to the Ismaili branch of Shia Islam. They form ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities in the country. However, they are not recognized as ethnic and linguistic minorities by the state. The central authorities have been increasingly suppressing the use of Pamiri languages and the assertion of Pamiri identity in state institutions, schools, the media, artistic performances and public spaces, in violation of the right of minorities “to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, [and] to use their own language” enshrined in Art. 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. They have also asserted tight state control over Ismaili religious practice like collective prayers and severely restricted religious freedom.

MAY 2022 AND ONGOING CRACKDOWN AGAINST PAMIRI MINORITY

Since May 2022, the Tajikistani authorities have stepped up their efforts to remove all vestiges of actual autonomy of the region and a crackdown on civil society in GBAO, violently dispersing protest events that were overwhelmingly peaceful or started as peaceful prior to their violent dispersal by government forces, and arbitrarily detaining individuals who disposed of informal authority or local influence, including civil society activists, journalists and human rights defenders. As well, they targeted individuals who had attempted to exercise their rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association by publicly voicing dissent in the context of protest events and in social media anytime in the past. According to a statement by the Inter-Agency Committee on Enforcement of Law and Order in GBAO on 17 June 2022, 220 persons had been detained in the framework of the so-called “special operation” which had started in mid-May 2022. Dozens or hundreds of further individuals were detained before and after the most intense phase of the crackdown. The news portal Pamir Inside (previously Pamir Daily News) listed the names of 205 convicted individuals in June 2023 whose cases had been made public or whose relatives had agreed to make public. Short-term arbitrary detention, including officially unacknowledged custody, for instance for the purpose of interrogation, was a mass phenomenon during the crackdown in May-June 2022 and has continued on a lesser scale since then.

For example, one Pamiri man was detained by the State Committee for National Security (SCNS) during the most intense phase of the crackdown in summer 2022. He was taken to an SNCS office and interrogated about the protests in which he had taken part, and about community leaders and civil society activists with whom he was acquainted. The interrogating officer beat him, insulted him and denigrated him because of his ethnic and religious identity. After several hours, he was released. Shortly afterwards, he was summoned for interrogation by the Office of the Prosecutor. Once again, he was insulted and denigrated, but this time there was no physical violence. After a few weeks, he was interrogated once more by the SCNS. He left the country, fearing that one of the security agencies could detain and prosecute him anytime.

Respected community figures among the Pamiri diaspora, political activists and other dissenters were forcibly returned or secretly renditioned from the Russian Federation in cooperation with Russian security services, and detained immediately after arrival in Tajikistan. In the months following May 2022, many Pamiris in Russia who expressed political dissent or volunteered in the framework of community activities of the Pamiri diaspora, were informally threatened with forcible return by members of the Tajikistani or Russian security services. Many Pamiri refugees have been at risk of deportation from a number of countries in Europe and elsewhere where they were seeking international protection. Back in Tajikistan, many family members of Pamiri refugees have been repeatedly visited by and threatened by the Tajik security services about the whereabouts of their family members overseas. Countries forcibly returning Pamiris to Tajikistan are breaching the principle of non-refoulement, a cornerstone of international human rights and refugee law, which prohibits the transfer of anyone to a place where they could be exposed to persecution or other serious human rights violations. Pamiris forcibly returned to Tajikistan are at risk of arbitrary detention, torture and other ill-treatment, enforced disappearance and unfair trials.

The risks for Tajikistani citizens targeted by the authorities and forcibly returned to Tajikistan are evident in the case of Abdullohi Shamsiddin. In spite of multiple warnings about the risk of detention and torture in Tajikistan, on 18 January 2023, Germany deported him to Tajikistan. He is an ethnic Tajik and closely related to several leaders of the oppositional Party of Islamic Revival of Tajikistan. After arrival in Tajikistan, he was subjected to enforced disappearance and then reportedly held in solitary confinement by the SCNS. On 29 March 2023, a court in Dushanbe reportedly convicted Abdullohi Shamsiddin on charges of “public calls for the violent change of the constitutional order of the Republic of Tajikistan” under Article 307 of the Criminal Code and sentenced him to seven years in prison.

Amnesty International has conducted interviews with two individuals who had been interrogated by various security agencies during or after the crackdown in May 2022 but were not arrested and could leave the country, and with five individuals who had been detained or interrogated before May 2022. Almost all interlocutors, who spoke on conditions of strict anonymity, reported verbal abuse during interrogation which did not only target the interrogated person, but also their female relatives, ethnic Pamiris and their Ismaili religious community. Many interlocutors reported physical violence during interrogation as well, includ beating with fists, batons and metallic devices, electric shocks and sleep deprivation. According to interlocutors who had been subjected to torture and other ill-treatment, it had mostly been aimed at extracting information from them and forcing them to incriminate themselves and others. With few exceptions, those who were arbitrarily arrested and officially remanded in detention during and after the crackdown in May 2022 were convicted in unfair trials, many of them under unfounded charges of participating in organized criminal groups (Art. 187 of the Criminal Code15). The Law of the Republic of Tajikistan on Combating Terrorism (Art. 4) defines crimes under Art. 187 of the Criminal Code as crimes of “terrorist” character and in such cases allows closed trials (Art. 18). UN experts have recently expressed concern about the potential negative impact of this overly broad definition of terrorism on due process.

Pamiris detained during and after the crackdown in May 2022 were often convicted in such closed trials and in many cases did not have access to a lawyer. In particular, the trials of human rights defenders were described as unfair by many observers, as no evidence of credible charges was publicly presented. Sentences were extraordinarily harsh, which is reflected in the high number (11) of sentences to life imprisonment. UN experts have addressed the cases of human rights defenders Ulfatkhonim Mamadshoeva, Manuchekhr Kholiknazarov, Faromuz Irgashov and Khushruz Jumaev.

For example, Commission 44 was an informal group of individuals formed in November 2021 in Khorugh to monitor the investigation into an alleged extra-judicial execution and lethal violence against protesters and to intermediate between the authorities and the population in GBAO. Several respected Pamiri lawyers and civil society representatives joined Commission 44. During the May 2022 crackdown, its most prominent members were arbitrarily detained. They were convicted and sentenced after the Supreme Court of Tajikistan arbitrarily labelled Commission 44 a “criminal organization”. Faromuz Irgashov, a lawyer who had tried to register as a non-party candidate for the 2020 presidential elections, was sentenced to 29 years in prison for alleged participation in a criminal group, murder, terrorism and organization of activities of an extremist organization. Manuchehr Kholiknazarov, also a lawyer, the director of the Lawyers Association of Pamir and a member of the NGO Coalition against Torture and Impunity in Tajikistan, was sentenced to 16 years in prison for alleged participation in a criminal group and organization of activities of an extremist organization; and the Lawyers Association of Pamir was closed by the authorities for alleged links to organized criminal groups. Addressing the alleged arbitrary detention of Irgashov, Kholiknazarov and others, UN experts in a joint communication to the Government of Tajikistan in May 2023 expressed “serious concerns about the apparent pattern of using extremism- and terrorism-related charges against human rights defenders and minority activists, particularly those defending the rights of the Pamiri minority, allegedly to discredit them and justify further secrecy around their cases.”

Several international non-governmental organizations, including Human Rights Watch, the International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), CIVICUS and others, have called for Kholiknazarov’s immediate and unconditional realease, raising concerns about the sharp deterioration of the environment for human rights defenders and civil society activists in recent years.

RECOMMENDATIONS The Tajikistani authorities must respect the human rights of all persons in Tajikistan, and in particular end immediately reprisals against Pamiri activists and other dissenting voices. All Pamiri human rights defenders, other civil society activists, journalists, community leaders and others, who have been arbitrarily detained and imprisoned solely for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, must be immediately and unconditionally released.

All allegations of torture and other ill-treatment of people in custody must be effectively investigated, and all suspects must be brought to account in fair trial proceedings. All victims of human rights violations in Tajikistan should receive full and adequate reparations for the damage suffered.

Members of the Pamiri communities should be able to fully enjoy their economic, social and cultural, as well as civil and political rights.

The reported widespread discrimination against Pamiris, particularly in the criminal justice system, must be effectively, independently and impartially investigated. All laws, policies and practices that may be discriminatory should be independently examined, and all necessary measures taken to ensure that these are fully compliant with Tajikistan’s international human rights obligations, including by repealing or amending the relevant legislation, abolishing relevant policies and ending relevant practices, and monitoring the actions of state officials. All victims of discrimination should have access to effective, transparent and accessible remedies.

The international community should monitor and report on human rights violations in Tajikistan, including in GBAO. International and regional organizations and Tajikistan’s other international partners, including national governments, should raise these violations at every opportunity, including in multi- and bi-lateral fora, and actively seek an end to these violations and take steps to provide remedy for their victims.

All states should respect the principle of non-refoulement and must not forcibly returning individuals from GBAO to Tajikistan or to any third country such as Russia, where they would be at risk of forcible transfer to Tajikistan, where in turn they could be victims of human rights violations, including arbitrary arrest and prosecution, torture and other ill-treatment, and unfair trials.

Source: Amnesty International

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Geneva, London (29/7 – 50)

Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, condemned the arrest and imprisonment of journalists, bloggers and civil society activists in Tajikistan, and questioned the credibility of the evidence presented in court against them.

Lawlor was on a two-week official visit to Tajikistan last December. The report prepared by her and members of the delegation on the results of this visit was published in May of this year, but only now became available to the public.

The authorities of Tajikistan will have to prepare an official response to the document, which will be submitted to the UN Human Rights Council in March 2024.

The report contains details of the detention and imprisonment, as well as information on the conditions of detention in correctional institutions of journalists and bloggers Daleri Imomali, Abdullo Gurbati, Zavkibeki Saidamini, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda, Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva, human rights activists and civil activists Abdulmajid Rizoev, Manuchekhr Kholiqnazarov, Faromuz Irgashev and Khushruz Dzhumaev. Authorities last year sentenced them to various terms ranging from 7 years to life imprisonment. Supporters of the convicts and international human rights organizations believe that the arrests and imprisonment of journalists and civil activists were politically motivated.

“A feature of the trials is that they were all held behind closed doors, the lawyers of the defendants were forbidden to communicate with the media,” the report says.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders and members of the delegation found in criminal cases many facts of human rights violations, non-compliance with the laws of Tajikistan and international obligations of Tajikistan. The report, in particular, notes that some of the defendants were subjected to torture and ill-treatment, some were denied emergency medical care.

The criminal cases brought against civil society activists, human rights activists and journalists, the authors of the report regard as a very bad example of the suppression of freedom of speech and as an attempt to silence critical voices in Tajikistan.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders demands from the government of Tajikistan to provide the true and legal reasons for the arrest and sentence of each of the convicted human rights defenders and civil activists, as well as to explain why the authorities are hiding the details of these high-profile criminal cases from the public, and to what extent this is appropriate international obligations taken on by Tajikistan.

The UN Special Rapporteur is waiting for Dushanbe’s answer to the questions: Where were Saidamini, Pirmuhammadzoda and Dzhumaev from the moment of detention until the official announcement of their arrest, has an investigation been launched into the use of torture against Daleri Imomali, Abdusattor Pirmuhammadzoda and Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva?

The report also contains a requirement to provide a detailed report on the state of health of each of the convicted activists, journalists and bloggers.

The report says that the convicted Mamadshoeva and Kholiknazarov filed a complaint with the collegium of the Supreme Court of Tajikistan. Consideration of their complaints began on 14 March.

The authors of the report, recalling the international obligations of Tajikistan, note their gross violation or ignorance in the consideration of criminal cases of journalists, bloggers and civil activists.

The Tajik authorities have not yet reacted to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, but earlier the Supreme Court and the Prosecutor General’s Office of Tajikistan stated that all criminal cases against civil activists, journalists and bloggers were considered objectively and impartially

Source

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The Taliban said Friday that their decision to bar local women from working for the United Nations was an “internal social matter of Afghanistan” that all countries should respect.

The statement came a day after the 15-member U.N. Security Council unanimously passed a resolution condemning the ban and demanding Taliban leaders swiftly end their restrictions on Afghan women’s access to education and work.

The resolution, co-sponsored by more than 90 countries, expressed “deep concern at the increasing erosion of respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms” of Afghan women and girls by the Taliban.

“While taking note of the condemnation of the decision to restrict Afghan women from working with the U.N., we stress that … this is an internal social matter of Afghanistan that does not impact outside states,” the Taliban Foreign Ministry said Friday.

“We remain committed to ensuring all rights of Afghan women while emphasizing that diversity must be respected and not politicized,” the statement added. It hailed parts of Thursday’s U.N. resolution, including “the principle of Afghan-led and Afghan-owned right to self-determination.”

The Taliban insisted, however, the humanitarian crisis in war-ravaged Afghanistan “is man-made, driven by economic restrictions” on the country.

“The path to a post-conflict recovery requires the unconditional removal of U.N., multilateral, and unilateral sanctions and restrictions on the country, in addition to the provision of humanitarian and development assistance to the country,” the statement said.

Leader rejects easing restrictions

The Taliban reclaimed power in August 2021 from the then-internationally backed government in Kabul as the United States and NATO troops withdrew after almost two decades of involvement in the Afghan war.

The U.S. and other Western nations froze more than $9 billion in Afghan central bank foreign reserves after the Taliban takeover and imposed financial and banking sector sanctions on the country. Washington has since transferred a portion of the frozen resources held in the U.S. to a trust fund in Switzerland to be used strictly for Afghan relief efforts.

Hibatullah Akhundzada, the reclusive Taliban chief, has imposed his strict interpretation of Islamic law, or Sharia, to govern strife-torn impoverished Afghanistan. He has issued a series of edicts banning girls’ education beyond the sixth grade and barring most Afghan women from public life and work nationwide.

Akhundzada has rejected calls for easing restrictions on Afghan women, saying he would not allow foreign interference in his Islamic governance.

Last December, the male-only Taliban administration banned female employees of nongovernmental organizations from workplaces and extended it earlier this month to Afghan women working with the U.N.

‘Reinvigorate international engagement’

The U.N. resolution against Taliban bans on women came as U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres plans to host a closed-door meeting of special envoys on Afghanistan from several countries in Doha, Qatar, on Monday to discuss what should be done in the aftermath of the intensifying Taliban crackdown on women.

On Friday, U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters in New York that Guterres “has not extended an invitation to the de facto (Taliban) authorities” to attend the two-day meeting in the Gulf state.

Dujarric stressed that recognizing the Taliban would not be “an issue on the table.” He shared no further details about the event.

“As we’ve said, the purpose of the meeting is to reinvigorate international engagement around common objectives for a durable way forward on Afghanistan. To reach unity or commonality of a message — such as human rights — particularly on the issue of women and girls; inclusive governance, countering terrorism, drug trafficking,” Dujarric said.

Thursday’s U.N. resolution recognized and stressed the need to address “the dire economic and humanitarian situation” facing Afghanistan, including through efforts to restore the country’s banking and financial systems.

Afghanistan is the largest humanitarian emergency in the world. U.N. officials estimate 6 million people are one step from famine-like conditions, while more than 28 million more need assistance after years of war and natural disasters.

Source: VOA News

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European Parliament members have strongly condemned ongoing repression by the authorities of Tajikistan against journalists, activists and protesters in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO). A history of violence escalated extending several years, following confrontational events in November 2021 and May 2022 where dozens of civilians were killed.

The European Parliament has since passed a resolution on 7 July 2022. European deputies called on the Tajik government to “put an end to repression against the residents of GBAO”.

“We call on the government of Tajikistan to stop persecuting protesters, independent journalists, human rights defenders, lawyers and civil society activists, allowing them to carry out their work freely and without the fear of losing their lives.”

Deputies also called on Tajik authorities to immediately release detained activists and journalists, namely Ulfathonim Mamadshoeva, Daleri Imomali, Abdullo Gurbati, Manuchehr Kholiknazarov, Faromuz Irgashov, Khursand Mamadshoev, Chorshanbe Chorshanbiev and Amriddin Alovatshoev.

The crackdown by Tajik security forces in Rushan on May 18, 2022 turned into a tragedy with numerous casualties among protesters. Local witnesses told of snipers and military helicopters firing live ammunition at civilians, killing at least 40. A violent dispersal in Khorog left many protesters dead and some wounded.

The firm resolution of the European Parliament asserts the collective expression of concern about “deterioration of the human rights situation” in GBAO. May 14, 2022 saw a protest in Khorog, the capital of GBAO, home to the Pamiri people. About 1,000 Pamiri citizens had gathered to peacefully demand the resignation of regional leader Alisher Mirzonabatov, known locally as “The Butcher of the Pamir.” They also demanded an effective investigation into the murder by security forces of Gulbidin Ziyobekov in November 2021.

The authorities rejected these demands and delivered an ultimatum, that if demonstrators did not disperse by 4 p.m. on 16 May 2022, they would be removed by force.

On 16 May 2022, government authorities cut off all internet access and shut down the mobile phone network over GBAO. This halt on the internet continued on until the end of June 2022, resulted in difficulties in obtaining verified information and news out of this region during that period. However, there were posts on social media based on eyewitness reports, describing how security forces arbitrarily broke into homes and ransacked them, seized mobile phones and arbitrarily detaining residents. There are also allegations of torture and extra-judicial executions of Pamiris detained during the crackdown.

Reports said that President Emomali Rahmon’s security forces attacked the civilians with tear gas grenades and this continued till 17 May 2022. On 18 May, the Ministry of the Interior announced that it would carry out an “anti-terrorist operation” in Rushan District, where mobile, landline, and internet communication was subsequently cut, and people were denied the right to enter or leave the area under occupation.

Violence by the regime escalated when residents attempted to block the road to Khorog with their cars, to prevent a military convoy from entering the city. The crackdown in Rushan turned into a tragedy, with numerous casualties among protesters. Local witnesses told of snipers and military helicopters firing live ammunition at civilians, killing at least 40. A violent dispersal in Khorog left many protesters dead and some wounded.

The culmination of the event was the assassination of Mamadbokir Mamadbokirov, an influential local leader and a hero standing against Rahmon’s authoritarian regime. He was shot dead by government security forces on 22 May 2022.

The European Parliament also warned Tajikistan that “the fight against terrorism and violent extremism must not be used as a pretext to suppress the opposition.” It reiterated that “those who were arbitrarily detained be released immediately and all charges against them dropped.”

However, experts are of the opinion that consideration of the issue of the situation in GBAO and the adoption by the European Parliament of a resolution on this issue will in no way have any effect on the actions of Tajik authorities toward this autonomous region. Nearly a year has passed, with no significant response by Tajik authorities to the resolution of the European Parliament. The key question: will the EU act like “a snow leopard” by demanding Tajik authorities comply with the resolutions that have been handed down, or will they be seen as “paper tigers” keeping quiet about the brutal, illegal and inhumane acts by that country?

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Tajikistan, a small fragile country in Central Asia, has been facing a multitude of issues in recent years. With a population of just over 9 million, the country has been plagued by corruption, crimes against humanity, violation of human rights, and impoverishment of the people.

The neighboring Taliban regime in Kabul is threatening Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan over water resources with constructing a 258-kilometer Kosh Tepa canal. The hydraulic dam structure will deplete the central Asian states water resources. War preparations are continuously reported in local central Asian news outlet after defense ministers from the region met.  

In the face of these challenges, the need for government reforms has become increasingly apparent. In neighboring Kazakhstan, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has instituted a series of reforms aimed at addressing similar issues. It is time for Tajikistan to follow suit or face fragility that leads to the demise of the regime.

Corruption is one of the most pressing issues in Tajikistan. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Tajikistan ranks 167 out of 180 countries. Corruption is rampant in the country’s public sector, with bribery and nepotism being common practices. This has resulted in a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as a loss of public trust in government institutions.

 “To address corruption in Tajikistan, it will be important to strengthen institutions, promote transparency and accountability, and encourage civil society participation in governance processes”

Besides the mass corruption perpetuated by the despotic rule of President Emomali Rahmon and his extended family, gross violations of citizen’s human rights have flourished as Rahmon seeks to consolidate his rule and prepare to pass the power onto his young son Rustam Emomali, who is popularly known as “The Mute” for his unsmiling photos and near total lack of public speaking engagements.  

Tajik bloggers writing anonymously for fear of landing in the torture cells of Tajikistan’s notorious prisons describe how the family power struggles could be the subject of an action-packed Hollywood film entitled, “Legacy of the Playboy Prince,” in reference to Rustam’s preference for soccer, fast cars, and women, and his older sister’s impatience with his immaturity.

“Legacy of the Playboy Prince”:  A Film in the Making

We follow the story of an aging ruler who, facing his own mortality, becomes increasingly determined to pass the mantle of leadership onto his playboy son. Despite the son’s lack of interest and experience in governance, and preference for soccer and sports cars, the father believes that the son is the only one capable of carrying on the family’s legacy.

However, the ruler’s seven daughters and oligarch husbands, who have long been vying for power and influence in the country, are not willing to relinquish their claims to the throne. As the playboy son is groomed for leadership, the daughters grow increasingly resentful and begin to plot against him.

As tensions rise and the country becomes increasingly divided, the playboy prince must navigate a treacherous political landscape, and overcome the challenges posed by his own family members and a devious elderly head of the secret police who has been collecting all the family secrets. Will he be able to terrorize his subjects as effectively as his brutal father, or will he be consumed by the ruthless ambition of those around him?

“Legacy of the Playboy Prince” is a gripping drama that explores themes of lust for power, family dynamics, and the corrupting influence of wealth and privilege. With a talented cast and a compelling storyline, this film is sure to captivate audiences and leave them on the edge of their seats.”

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has made fighting corruption a top priority. Since taking office in 2019, he has established an anti-corruption agency, strengthened asset disclosure requirements for public officials, and initiated a crackdown on high-profile corruption cases. These efforts have led to a significant improvement in Kazakhstan’s ranking on the Corruption Perceptions Index, from 124 in 2019 to 94 in 2021.

Tajikistan could learn from Kazakhstan’s example and take similar steps to combat corruption. The establishment of an independent anti-corruption agency, strict asset disclosure requirements, and increased transparency and accountability in public institutions could go a long way in addressing the issue.

Human rights violations are another major concern in Tajikistan. The country has been criticized by the United Nations and Amnesty International for its treatment of political dissidents, journalists, and civil society activists. There are confirmed reports of torture, forced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings. Freedom of speech and religion are severely restricted, and independent media is virtually non-existent.

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has made some progress in improving human rights. He has released political prisoners, allowed greater freedom of speech, and created a human rights ombudsman position. However, much more needs to be done to fully address human rights abuses in the country.

Tajikistan should follow Kazakhstan’s lead in promoting and protecting human rights. This could include releasing political prisoners, allowing greater freedom of speech and assembly, and establishing an independent human rights ombudsman. The government should also work to create an environment in which civil society can thrive, with independent media outlets and a robust network of non-governmental organizations.

Finally, Tajikistan is one of the poorest countries in Central Asia, with a GDP per capita of just $925. Poverty is widespread, with many people lacking access to basic necessities such as clean water and sanitation. The country’s economy is heavily reliant on remittances from migrant workers, leaving it vulnerable to external shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has initiated economic reforms aimed at diversifying the economy and reducing reliance on natural resources. These reforms include investing in infrastructure, promoting small and medium-sized enterprises, and improving the business climate. While the reforms are still in their early stages, they hold promise for the country’s long-term economic development.

Tajikistan could benefit from similar economic reforms. The government should work to diversify the economy and promote entrepreneurship, with a focus on creating jobs and reducing poverty. Investment in infrastructure, particularly in rural areas, could help to improve access to basic necessities such as clean water and electricity.

In conclusion, Tajikistan faces a range of challenges that require urgent attention from the government. Corruption, human rights abuses, and poverty are widespread, and the country’s institutions lack transparency and accountability. President Tokayev’s reforms in Kazakhstan offer a potential roadmap for addressing the challenges Tajikistan faces.

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New York, Brussels (21/12 – 60).

Human rights violation committed by Tajikistan state security officials breeding an atmosphere of fear and oppression was the verdict of a United Nations human rights mission conducted by Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor, after a recent visit to the country earlier this month. She described the situation of human rights defenders in Tajikistan as an atmosphere of corruption and the fear of persecution. She called on the government to treat human rights defenders as allies, not opponents.

There is a violent repression of the ethnic and religious minority – Pamir Ismailis – and it has been going on for a year in Gorny Badakhshan. American experts call President Rahmon’s policy towards the Pamirs a genocide.  

Tajikistan is the poorest republic of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), where human rights defenders – from lawyers to journalists and activists – are under the brutal pressure of the authoritarian leader Emomali Rahmon, who has ruled the country for more than 30 years forever. According to American experts, the Tajik authorities are in a deep political crisis. In addition to the occasional outbreaks of armed violence on the border with Kyrgyzstan, Gorny Badakhshan has been witnessing a year of brutal repression of the Pamir Ismailis, an ethnic and religious minority. American experts emphasize that President Rahmon’s policy towards the Pamiri is a crime against humanity that, if unchecked, could escalate into genocide. 

Russian security services arrested and forcibly extradited to Tajikistan more than 20 activists of the Pamir community in Moscow, some of whom had Russian passports. Dr. Suzanne Levi-Sanchez, Professor of Law at Harvard University (Visiting Scholar at the Harvard University’s Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies), claims that the detainees are at least 160: They arrested all informal leaders of civil society: journalists, human rights defenders, lawyers, businessmen. More than 40 people were tortured. 

During the 30 years of Emomali Rahmon’s autocratic rule, the Pamir remained a territory where the people actively protested against the arbitrariness of the authorities. In 2012, security agencies and the army were used to suppress protests in Khorog – the center of the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region – resulting in the killing of seventeen servicemen and more than 30 residents, whom the Tajik authorities called «terrorists» and «separatists». Panellists at the Davis Center at Garvada University stressed that the current repression of Pamiri is even more severe than in 2012. 

United Nations Human Rights mission reported Tajikistan to be an atmosphere of corruption and the fear of persecution amongst the people. Ms Mary Lawlor called on the Tajikistan government to treat human rights defenders as allies, not opponents.

“I want to emphasize that during the protests in Gorny Badakhshan no one called for independence. They are not separatists. They did not have such a goal. I have spoken to many people from there, and they say: we agree to be part of Tajikistan. It is obvious that the initiators of [violence] were the security forces, which used tear gas and flashbangs against the crowd” emphasized Bruce Pannier, a Central Asia Analyst, publicist and presenter for Radio Liberty.

Human rights activist Steve Swerdlow described the state campaign launched by President Rakhmon against Pamiri as a crime against humanity. He expressed concern that it might become a real genocide of an ethnic minority. 

Above: University of Oxford Podcasts, Asian Studies Centre – Steve Swerdlow, Neil Clarke, Syinat Sultanalieva discuss human rights violations in Tajikistan, chaired by Faisal Devji.

“What we saw this summer was part of a campaign of cultural assimilation, suppression of religious beliefs and language. All these facts point to crimes against humanity. We do not need to prove that Rahmon wants to erase the Pamir identity. This is evident when compared to similar examples in other countries, such as the situation in Western Ethiopian Tigray, the Uighur situation in Chinese Seung-jiang, or the activities of pro-government militias in Darfur. The practice of arrest, violence and murder is escalating. This is a matter of concern. It is for these reasons that it should be called crimes against humanity, because there is a real risk that the situation will get out of control and turn into genocide”, said Steve Swerdlow, an Associate Professor University of Southern California. 

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