Kazakhstan is gearing up for snap elections of the lower house of parliament on March 19, and there is a sense of anticipation in the air. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who came to power in 2019, called for snap elections in the wake of the deadly street protests in January 2022. The elections are part of the president’s ambitious reform agenda, Jana Kazakhstan (New Kazakhstan), which aims to usher in a new era of political liberalization.

Kazakhstan is gearing up for snap elections of the lower house of parliament on March 19 as part of the President Tokayev’s ambitious reform agenda, Jana Kazakhstan (New Kazakhstan)

The parliamentary elections are stage two of Tokayev’s program, following his re-election winning 80 percent of the votes last November. The coming elections will see 70 percent of the country´s lawmakers elected through party lists, while the remaining seats will be contested in single-member districts. While it has become easier to register a new political party on paper, there are concerns that the Justice Ministry is still rejecting applications from anyone critical of the government. Party registration remains difficult, especially for anyone critical of the government, and this has raised concerns about the potential for a “pocket parliament” controlled by the presidential administration.

Despite these concerns, a couple of parties have made it through the registration process, becoming the first new parties to be registered in two decades. The Respublica party, led by once-apolitical businessman Beibit Alibekov, has been approved and supports advancing Tokayev’s Jana Kazakhstan agenda. The Baitak party bills itself as a green party, but its leader, Azamatkhan Amirtayev, has faced criticism for taking the side of officials in a dispute with eco-activists over plans to drain a local lake.

Legacy parties from the Nazarbayev era, such as Amanat (formerly Nur Otan), are not looking as strong as they once did, with the ultimate loyalties of these parties far from certain. The rural interests Auyl (Village) party and the National Social Democratic Party, or OSDP, are also contesting, but the OSDP is recently considered a spent force.

Despite the challenges, there is a sense of hope amongst the people that the lower house parliamentary elections will pave the way for a more democratic Kazakhstan. Tokayev has made it clear that he wants to build a new Kazakhstan, free from the corrupt cronyism that prevailed in the Nazarbayev era. The president’s sweeping reform agenda includes political liberalization and the elections are an important step in that direction.

The people of Kazakhstan are eagerly awaiting the results of the elections and are hoping that they will mark a turning point in the country’s history. “It is important for Tokayev that new personalities appear in the Majilis who are going to participate in the construction of a New Kazakhstan while also respecting the political rules established by the authorities,” Tolganay Umbetaliyeva, Director General of the Central Asian Foundation for Democracy, said.

With new parties emerging and the potential for change on the horizon, there is reason to be optimistic about the future of democracy in Kazakhstan. By doing so, Kazakhstan can take a major step towards a more democratic future. The government must ensure that the elections are free and fair, and that all parties and candidates have an equal chance to participate. Political observers are cautiously optimistic but point out the big bear in the room, Russia. The question how the regime in Moscow will react to the liberalization moves remains a riddle.

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Tajikistan, a small fragile country in Central Asia, has been facing a multitude of issues in recent years. With a population of just over 9 million, the country has been plagued by corruption, crimes against humanity, violation of human rights, and impoverishment of the people.

The neighboring Taliban regime in Kabul is threatening Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan over water resources with constructing a 258-kilometer Kosh Tepa canal. The hydraulic dam structure will deplete the central Asian states water resources. War preparations are continuously reported in local central Asian news outlet after defense ministers from the region met.  

In the face of these challenges, the need for government reforms has become increasingly apparent. In neighboring Kazakhstan, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has instituted a series of reforms aimed at addressing similar issues. It is time for Tajikistan to follow suit or face fragility that leads to the demise of the regime.

Corruption is one of the most pressing issues in Tajikistan. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Tajikistan ranks 167 out of 180 countries. Corruption is rampant in the country’s public sector, with bribery and nepotism being common practices. This has resulted in a lack of transparency and accountability, as well as a loss of public trust in government institutions.

 “To address corruption in Tajikistan, it will be important to strengthen institutions, promote transparency and accountability, and encourage civil society participation in governance processes”

Besides the mass corruption perpetuated by the despotic rule of President Emomali Rahmon and his extended family, gross violations of citizen’s human rights have flourished as Rahmon seeks to consolidate his rule and prepare to pass the power onto his young son Rustam Emomali, who is popularly known as “The Mute” for his unsmiling photos and near total lack of public speaking engagements.  

Tajik bloggers writing anonymously for fear of landing in the torture cells of Tajikistan’s notorious prisons describe how the family power struggles could be the subject of an action-packed Hollywood film entitled, “Legacy of the Playboy Prince,” in reference to Rustam’s preference for soccer, fast cars, and women, and his older sister’s impatience with his immaturity.

“Legacy of the Playboy Prince”:  A Film in the Making

We follow the story of an aging ruler who, facing his own mortality, becomes increasingly determined to pass the mantle of leadership onto his playboy son. Despite the son’s lack of interest and experience in governance, and preference for soccer and sports cars, the father believes that the son is the only one capable of carrying on the family’s legacy.

However, the ruler’s seven daughters and oligarch husbands, who have long been vying for power and influence in the country, are not willing to relinquish their claims to the throne. As the playboy son is groomed for leadership, the daughters grow increasingly resentful and begin to plot against him.

As tensions rise and the country becomes increasingly divided, the playboy prince must navigate a treacherous political landscape, and overcome the challenges posed by his own family members and a devious elderly head of the secret police who has been collecting all the family secrets. Will he be able to terrorize his subjects as effectively as his brutal father, or will he be consumed by the ruthless ambition of those around him?

“Legacy of the Playboy Prince” is a gripping drama that explores themes of lust for power, family dynamics, and the corrupting influence of wealth and privilege. With a talented cast and a compelling storyline, this film is sure to captivate audiences and leave them on the edge of their seats.”

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has made fighting corruption a top priority. Since taking office in 2019, he has established an anti-corruption agency, strengthened asset disclosure requirements for public officials, and initiated a crackdown on high-profile corruption cases. These efforts have led to a significant improvement in Kazakhstan’s ranking on the Corruption Perceptions Index, from 124 in 2019 to 94 in 2021.

Tajikistan could learn from Kazakhstan’s example and take similar steps to combat corruption. The establishment of an independent anti-corruption agency, strict asset disclosure requirements, and increased transparency and accountability in public institutions could go a long way in addressing the issue.

Human rights violations are another major concern in Tajikistan. The country has been criticized by the United Nations and Amnesty International for its treatment of political dissidents, journalists, and civil society activists. There are confirmed reports of torture, forced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings. Freedom of speech and religion are severely restricted, and independent media is virtually non-existent.

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has made some progress in improving human rights. He has released political prisoners, allowed greater freedom of speech, and created a human rights ombudsman position. However, much more needs to be done to fully address human rights abuses in the country.

Tajikistan should follow Kazakhstan’s lead in promoting and protecting human rights. This could include releasing political prisoners, allowing greater freedom of speech and assembly, and establishing an independent human rights ombudsman. The government should also work to create an environment in which civil society can thrive, with independent media outlets and a robust network of non-governmental organizations.

Finally, Tajikistan is one of the poorest countries in Central Asia, with a GDP per capita of just $925. Poverty is widespread, with many people lacking access to basic necessities such as clean water and sanitation. The country’s economy is heavily reliant on remittances from migrant workers, leaving it vulnerable to external shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

In Kazakhstan, President Tokayev has initiated economic reforms aimed at diversifying the economy and reducing reliance on natural resources. These reforms include investing in infrastructure, promoting small and medium-sized enterprises, and improving the business climate. While the reforms are still in their early stages, they hold promise for the country’s long-term economic development.

Tajikistan could benefit from similar economic reforms. The government should work to diversify the economy and promote entrepreneurship, with a focus on creating jobs and reducing poverty. Investment in infrastructure, particularly in rural areas, could help to improve access to basic necessities such as clean water and electricity.

In conclusion, Tajikistan faces a range of challenges that require urgent attention from the government. Corruption, human rights abuses, and poverty are widespread, and the country’s institutions lack transparency and accountability. President Tokayev’s reforms in Kazakhstan offer a potential roadmap for addressing the challenges Tajikistan faces.

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The parliamentary elections are stage two of Tokayev’s program, following his re-election winning 80 percent of the votes last November. The coming elections will see 70 percent of the country´s lawmakers elected through party lists, while the remaining seats will be contested in single-member districts. While it has become easier to register a new political party on paper, there are concerns that the Justice Ministry is still rejecting applications from anyone critical of the government. Party registration remains difficult, especially for anyone critical of the government, and this has raised concerns about the potential for a “pocket parliament” controlled by the presidential administration.

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who came to power in 2019, called for snap elections of the lower house of parliament on March 19

Despite these concerns, a couple of parties have made it through the registration process, becoming the first new parties to be registered in two decades. The Respublica party, led by once-apolitical businessman Beibit Alibekov, has been approved and supports advancing Tokayev’s Jana Kazakhstan agenda. The Baitak party bills itself as a green party, but its leader, Azamatkhan Amirtayev, has faced criticism for taking the side of officials in a dispute with eco-activists over plans to drain a local lake.

Legacy parties from the Nazarbayev era, such as Amanat (formerly Nur Otan), are not looking as strong as they once did, with the ultimate loyalties of these parties far from certain. The rural interests Auyl (Village) party and the National Social Democratic Party, or OSDP, are also contesting, but the OSDP is recently considered a spent force.

Despite the challenges, there is a sense of hope amongst the people that the lower house parliamentary elections will pave the way for a more democratic Kazakhstan. Tokayev has made it clear that he wants to build a new Kazakhstan, free from the corrupt cronyism that prevailed in the Nazarbayev era. The president’s sweeping reform agenda includes political liberalization and the elections are an important step in that direction.

The people of Kazakhstan are eagerly awaiting the results of the elections and are hoping that they will mark a turning point in the country’s history. “It is important for Tokayev that new personalities appear in the Majilis who are going to participate in the construction of a New Kazakhstan while also respecting the political rules established by the authorities,” Tolganay Umbetaliyeva, Director General of the Central Asian Foundation for Democracy, said.

With new parties emerging and the potential for change on the horizon, there is reason to be optimistic about the future of democracy in Kazakhstan. By doing so, Kazakhstan can take a major step towards a more democratic future. The government must ensure that the elections are free and fair, and that all parties and candidates have an equal chance to participate. Political observers are cautiously optimistic but point out the big bear in the room, Russia. The question how the regime in Moscow will react to the liberalization moves remains a riddle. 

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