The narrative of the Ukrainian adventure being framed by Russia as an effort to free Ukraine from “neo-Nazis” is a and contentious one. Despite lengthy examinations.

Making combat footage public is a difficult decision, especially considering the potential biases involved. However, it’s crucial for the readers to see the harsh realities of war.

The reports of the Russian forces pushing hard in the Kharkiv pocket, with a sizable troop presence, are deeply concerning. Understanding their perspective on what they aim to achieve is crucial, even if it’s rooted in instilling fear.

The blatant propaganda and hate spread by Russian propagandists, especially those who have a platform on evening TV shows, is now routine. Their clear articulation of Russia’s aggressive war strategy against not only Ukraine but also France and others who oppose their actions underscores the severity of the situation.

It’s alarming how Russian propaganda aims to create an “us versus them” mentality, pitting Russia against the West and anyone who opposes their aggressive agenda. This rhetoric only serves to further divide and polarize societies.

The tactics employed by Russia, including bombardments, assassinations, and military actions, are not only dangerous but also inhumane. They aim to spread fear and intimidate, rather than seek peaceful resolutions to conflicts.

In the face of such propaganda and aggression, it’s essential for the international community to stand united against these tactics and work towards de-escalating tensions through diplomacy and dialogue. 

But the reality looks different.

Russian suicide rate drastic, says observer

The concerning rise in suicide rates among troops in the trenches, along with increased levels of injuries and resentment among Russian soldiers, paints a grim picture of the toll of war. The fact that the suicide rate among Russian troops is higher underscores the severity of the situation and raises alarms about the mental health among Russian troops.

The expressions of concern from Russian commanders regarding troop morale highlight the significant impact that these conditions are having on military effectiveness. 

Russian injured in Ukrainian hospitals

The reports of Russian soldiers being severely injured and abandoned by their comrades paint a distressing picture of the lack of support. The absence of the traditional “battle buddy” system, where soldiers support each other in combat, only exacerbates the challenges faced by those on the front lines.

This abandonment not only affects the morale of the troops but also raises serious ethical concerns about the treatment of fellow soldiers in times of need. 

The fact that injured Russian soldiers are being cared for by Ukrainian medical teams, even amid conflict, speaks volumes about the humanity and compassion of those providing medical aid. 

Addressing the issues of support and care for injured soldiers is crucial not only for morale but also for maintaining the integrity of all involved in conflict. 

Fallen Russians

The extensive coverage of Russians killed in the line of battle on social media highlights the brutal reality of the conflict. While Russian media may dismiss these reports as Ukrainian propaganda, it’s clear that the brutality of the Russian war of aggression cannot be ignored.

Even if some of the social media coverage may be influenced by propaganda, the loss of life and suffering experienced by individuals caught in the crossfire are undeniable truths. 

The widespread dissemination of information through social media platforms underscores the power of citizen journalism in documenting and sharing the realities of conflict. 

Ultimately, it’s crucial for the international community to seek avenues for peace and dialogue to end the cycle of violence and suffering in regions affected by conflict. Ignoring or dismissing the evidence of brutality only perpetuates further harm and division.

The surrender of Russian soldiers to Ukrainian forces marks a significant development in the conflict. The fate of these prisoners is indeed uncertain, as it involves complex political, legal, and humanitarian considerations. 

The Ukrainian government and international organizations may need to work together to ensure their proper treatment according to international law.

Russians surrender

The contrast between how Ukrainian forces treat Russian prisoners compared to the treatment of prisoners by Russian forces highlights a significant divergence in approaches to warfare. 

While the conflict may seem distant to many Russians, the increasing number of Russian soldiers surrendering underscores its tangible impact. The humane treatment of Russian prisoners by Ukrainian forces stands in stark contrast to reports of poor treatment by Russian authorities. 

This discrepancy not only reflects different standards of conduct but also underscores broader humanitarian and moral considerations within the ongoing conflict.

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As Russian President Vladimir Putin massed his military on Ukraine’s border in late 2021, many analysts doubted Putin would actually invade.

But not Dmitri Alperovitch.

“He was seeing Ukraine slip away from his orbit. And when he saw that he could no longer control it, it was pretty clear to me that he was going to try to move in and attempt a regime change,” said Alperovitch.

Americans and others who closely studied the Communist leadership of the Soviet Union used to be called “Kremlinologists.” Now there’s a new generation of analysts who could be called “Putinologists,” those seeking to understand Russia today by deconstructing its leader and the war he’s waging in Ukraine.

Alperovitch was born in Moscow and came to the U.S. at age 13 in 1994. He’s never returned to Russia, though that country — and Putin — have shaped his life.

He was a founder of the cybersecurity firm CrowdStrike, which often investigated Russian computer hacks, like the 2016 breach of the Democratic National Committee.

Here’s how he describes the Russian leader: “I’ve always viewed him as a gambler. Most of the time he’s gotten lucky. (Ukraine) is the one gamble that’s probably his biggest, which has not worked out well so far.”

Alperovitch now heads Silverado Policy Accelerator, a think tank with a strong focus on Russia and Putin.

“I think ‘Putinologist’ is a good tag line,” said Alperovitch. “He sees himself as a new czar, that he has more power today as a Russian leader than really anyone has since (Soviet dictator Josef) Stalin.”

From Kremlinology to Putinology

Kremlinolgists tried to interpret the Soviet Union from fragmentary information coming out of highly secretive Communist leadership, which often consisted of multiple factions.

Some analysts argue against Putinology, saying it’s too simplistic to interpret a sprawling country like Russia through the study of one man. Some say the notion of an all-powerful leader also plays into the hands of Putin, who would like Russian citizens and the wider world to believe he has control over all aspects of Russia.

Yet Putin has consolidated his hold on Russia throughout his more than two decades in power, and critical decisions — like invading Ukraine — are widely seen as the work of Putin alone.

This has created a demand for Putinologists — like Julia Ioffe — who accepts the label with some reluctance.

“It’s something I fought for a long time,” said Ioffe, who writes for Puck News and is often interviewed by other news organizations. “But at the same time, people in the West have a really hard time understanding him. Somebody needs to translate him for the West. So OK, I’ll do it.”

She left Moscow for the U.S. with her family at age 7 in 1990. In college at Princeton, she initially planned to be a doctor.

“But I couldn’t resist Soviet history and switched tracks,” she noted. “I kept trying to do something else and kept getting sucked in professionally. So I’ve basically been doing this, in one form or another, my whole professional life.”

That included a three-year stint in Moscow a decade ago. Her editor at the time suggested she write a column called “Kremlinology 2012.”

“It was supposed to be a kind of tongue-in-cheek thing because it was like, ‘Who does Kremlinology anymore?'” she recalled. “But the system was becoming more and more and more Soviet, and there were fewer and fewer ways to get into it, to understand it. So, it’s back.”

Ioffe traveled to Russia until a few years ago. She often writes about the way Putin shaped Russian society and prepared it for his military adventures.

“He created this cult around World War II. That glorifies war. That sanctifies war. And then once a war starts, it’s pretty easy to convince Russians that this is a war just like that and that they need to go in and do it,” she said.

A specialty that nearly disappeared

Michael Kofman says emphatically he should not be called a Putinologist. He’s an expert on Russia’s military — a specialty that nearly vanished when the Soviet Union collapsed.

“The field of Russian military studies had almost died or was on life support,” he said. “So I found myself in many respects trying to work to help revive the field.”

Kofman does this with his work at the Center for Naval Analyses, a government-funded research group. He’s also a regular on podcasts, including appearances with Alperovitch.

He was born in Ukraine when it was still part of the Soviet Union and left at age 10, just before the 1991 Soviet breakup.

Kofman often returns to Ukraine and was there last October for a close-up view of the war. Despite his deep knowledge, he’s wary of making predictions.

“Military analysts like myself thought the war was going to come, but got the initial period of war — how the Russian military was going to actually invade and how those early weeks were likely to shake out — wrong ourselves. So I spent time updating my views,” he said.

He expects to go back to Ukraine. But none of these analysts plan to visit Russia in the near term.

“I would love to go back and see, and just feel how the city and the country are experiencing this war, just to get a pulse, just to get a temperature check,” said Ioffe.

But she adds, “You can go to jail for spreading ‘fakes about the Russian army.’ It feels incredibly risky to go.”

Dmitri Alperovitch knows he would not be welcome.

“One of the most bizarre things that’s happened to me last year is getting sanctioned by Russia, the country that I was born in,” he said. “It is somewhat of a badge of honor, but nevertheless there’s certainly a bittersweet feeling about it.”

Putinologists may now be in great demand, but incurring the wrath of the Kremlin is an occupational hazard.

Source : National Public Radio

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